Worse Than Nazi Prison: “The Auschwitz for Homosexuals” JJ
30 January 1933, Berlin. The torches come down the Wilhelmstrasse in their thousands, a river of fire carried by marching columns. At a lit window above the crowd, Adolf Hitler, the new Chancellor of Germany, looks out over the city that has been placed in his hands only that morning.
In the months and years to come, his regime will divide the nation into those who belong to it and those who do not, and it will hunt its enemies – the Jews, the Romani people, the disabled people and the political opponents using the full machinery of a modern state. Much of this will be captured on film: the rallies with swastika banners, the books written by famous authors burning in the squares.
But one of the worlds Nazi Germany is about to destroy will leave scarcely a frame behind. A short walk from these marching columns, in the bars, cabarets and crowded basements of the city, lives a community of men who love other men. Within a few years they will be hunted across Germany, arrested in their tens of thousands, and sent to prisons and concentration camps to wear a pink triangle. This is the story of gay men under the Nazi regime.
The law, which was used against the gay community in Nazi Germany was Paragraph 175 of the German criminal code, created in 1871 at the founding of the German Empire, which made sexual relations between men a punishable offence. It had never stopped gay communities from forming, and by the years of the Weimar Republic, which had emerged after the fall of the German empire in 1918 and lasted until the Nazis came into power in January 1933, those communities had grown more visible than anywhere else in the world. Reformers at that time campaigned openly to have the antigay
paragraph struck down. The Institute for Sexual Science, founded in 1919 by German physician and sexologist Magnus Hirschfeld and based in Berlin, carried out pioneering research and lobbied for decriminalisation, and a lively gay press built a sense of community across the country.
The Weimar Republic was, for a time, a world of unusual freedom, and it was exactly this freedom that the Nazis had in mind when they denounced Weimar culture as decadent and degenerate. When Adolf Hitler was appointed German chancellor on 30 January 1933, the dismantling of that world began almost at once.
Among the regime’s first acts was the closing of gay bars: the famous Eldorado in Berlin was shut within weeks and plastered with Nazi posters. Gay newspapers and journals were suppressed, the gay associations were forced to dissolve, and in May 1933 a Nazi student mob ransacked Hirschfeld’s institute and carried its library into the street to be destroyed in the public book burnings, while Hirschfeld himself, then abroad, never returned to Germany and died in exile in France in 1935.
The networks that had taken decades to build were broken in a matter of months after the Nazis came to power in Germany. For a time, the regime’s hostility coexisted with an awkward fact: one of its own most powerful men was openly homosexual. Ernst Röhm, the chief of the Sturmabteilung or the SA, the Nazis’ brown-shirted paramilitary force, made little secret of his orientation, and his enemies had outed him in the press as early as 1931.
Hitler defended his old comrade for as long as it suited him. Then, during the summer of 1934, in the purge known as the Night of the Long Knives, Hitler had Röhm and other SA leaders murdered in a settling of political accounts. Afterwards Nazi propaganda used Röhm’s sexuality to justify the killings, playing on a prejudice against homosexuals that ran deep in German society.
His death removed the last restraint on the campaign that was to come. That campaign was built on new tools. In June 1935 the Nazi regime rewrote Paragraph 175, broadening it so that a wide range of behaviour between men could be prosecuted and raising the maximum penalty to ten years of hard labour in prison. In 1936 Heinrich Himmler, head of the SS, who regarded homosexuality and abortion alike as threats to the German birth rate, established within the criminal police, known as the Kripo, a Reich Central Office for the Combating of Homosexuality and Abortion. The Gestapo – the
Nazi secret police, and the criminal police hunted gay men through raids on bars, through the lists of suspects that the police had begun to compile, and above all through denunciations: a neighbour, a colleague or even a relative gave them information about gay men. Under interrogation, often brutal, men were forced to name their partners and friends, and in this way the police rolled up whole networks one confession at a time.
The scale was considerable as around 100,000 men were arrested under Paragraph 175 during the Nazi years, and that roughly half of these, some 53,000, were convicted. Most served fixed prison sentences and were then released. The courts also brought castration into Nazi law: from late 1933 certain sexual offenders could be castrated, and gay men held under Paragraph 175 could sometimes buy an early release by volunteering for the operation. Many men were forced to this, despite that officially they were presented as volunteers.
One of them, Friedrich-Paul von Groszheim, was among 230 men seized by the SS in January 1937 in the city of Lübeck and was imprisoned for 10 months. A short time after his release, he was re-arrested, humiliated, and tortured. The Nazis finally released him, but only on the condition that he would agree to be castrated. Friedrich-Paul submitted to the operation.
A number of men were sent not to prison but directly to the concentration camps as homosexual offenders. Between 5,000 and 15,000 men were imprisoned in the camps on these grounds, marked with the pink triangle sewn into their uniforms. According to the testimony of many survivors, they were the lowest group in the camp hierarchy and among the most abused.
They were assigned the hardest labour, including work at the notorious Klinkerwerk brickworks, a satellite camp of Sachsenhausen concentration camp. Gay men in the camps were beaten and humiliated, and shunned even by other prisoners, who feared being associated with them and who controlled the small networks of mutual help on which survival often depended.
A young Austrian named Josef Kohout, arrested in 1939 at the age of twenty-four after a Christmas greeting card to his lover was intercepted, left one of the few first-hand accounts of this isolation. He recalled how at Sachsenhausen the men of his block were forced to sleep with their hands outside the blankets in the freezing cold, and how those found otherwise were doused with water and left to stand outside.
Many of the inmates fell ill after this kind of treatment and only a few of them survived. He referred to Sachsenhausen as “the Auschwitz for homosexuals.” The death rate matched this kind of treatment. The exact number of gay men who died in the concentration camps is unknown, but according to some sources around sixty per cent of the pink-triangle prisoners in the camps did not survive.
Some were worked to death, some were shot, and some of the prisoners were used in inhuman Nazi medical experiments. At Buchenwald concentration camp, Danish SS doctor Carl Værnet, working under Himmler’s personal patronage, operated on homosexual prisoners, among others implanting capsules meant to release testosterone and “cure” their homosexual orientation.
Unsurprisingly these experiments achieved nothing and several of the men died. From November 1942 camp commandants could order the forced castration of pink-triangle prisoners outright. Værnet himself was never tried by the Allies for his crimes and after the war he escaped to Argentina and died in Buenos Aires in 1965. Within this system of persecution, gay men adapted in whatever ways they could.
Those with money or connections hid their lives, broke off contact with friends, moved away, or entered marriages of convenience with women. The choices open to them depended heavily on how the regime classified them: a gay man counted as “Aryan” had more options and higher chances of survival than a Jewish or Romani gay man, marked for death on racial grounds.
Some of the gay men joined the resistance against the Nazi regime. Willem Arondeus, a gay artist in the Dutch resistance, helped lead the March 1943 attack on the Amsterdam Municipal Office for Population Registration, in which his group set fire to its records to destroy the files the occupiers used to identify Jews and other people living in illegality.
Despite that the attack was successful, and the resistance destroyed part of the records used by the Germans, the Arondeus group was soon betrayed and arrested. To shield others from the group, Willem Arondeus took full responsibility and was sentenced to death. Before his execution in July 1943, the 48-year-old Arondeus’s last words were: “Tell people that homosexuals are not cowards.
” In spring 1945, Allied soldiers liberated concentration camps and freed prisoners, including those wearing the pink triangle. But the end of the Second World War in Europe in May 1945 and the defeat of the Nazi regime did not necessarily bring a sense of liberation for gay men.
They remained marginalized in German society also after the war as sexual relations between men remained illegal in Germany throughout much of the twentieth century. This also meant that many men serving sentences for allegedly violating Paragraph 175 remained in prison after the war. Many more were convicted in the postwar era. Homosexuality was decriminalised in East Germany in 1968 and in West Germany in 1969, but the paragraph was not finally removed until 1994.
For decades after the war, homosexual victims of Nazi persecution remained largely unacknowledged. The German state recognized them as victims only in the 1990s and overturned their wartime convictions only in 2002. The story of gay men under Nazism is therefore not only a story of persecution, imprisonment and death, but also a story of silence.
The Nazis destroyed a world that had begun to imagine a different future, and post-war Germany, for decades, refused to see the men who had been destroyed with it. Their suffering did not fit easily into the stories nations wanted to tell about liberation, resistance and rebuilding. Many survived the concentration camps only to return to a society that still treated them as criminals.
The pink triangle, once sewn to their uniforms as a mark of shame, has since become a symbol of memory and defiance. But that memory came late. It asks us to remember not only those who were murdered, but also those who lived long enough to discover that, even after the fall of the regime that had persecuted them, justice could still be delayed for almost a lifetime.